Political resolution of the Kurdish question is both possible and essential

"The release of Abdullah Öcalan would help transform the current political situation and establish a solid foundation for negotiations to begin"

The new year began with the US President once again threatening the sovereignty of Greenland, and the potential for another unilateral military attack in the Middle East.

Then on 3 January American forces entered Venezuela, killing both Venezuelan and Cuban citizens, captured its President, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia, and took them to face charges in a New York court.

Regardless to the very real concerns about the credibility of the 2024 presidential elections, this American intervention was a direct assault on Venezuelan national sovereignty. It directly violated the United Nations Charter, and therefore international law.

At the same time, the Trump administration threatened the sovereignty of Colombia, Mexico, and other Central/Latin American countries with left of centre governments.

The US is clearly intent on trying to destabilise Cuba. Parallels are already being drawn with the backdrop to the Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961.

In recent days, the US President has doubled down on his spoken determination to seize Greenland.

Throughout 2025, this administration has unapologetically ripped up the international rule book.

It is attempting to introduce a dangerous new world which is the direct antithesis of multi-lateralism, dialogue, and peaceful co-existence among global opponents and competitors. 

America’s intention to dominate over what it describes as the western hemisphere, has already been made explicit in the newly published US National Security Strategy. The President told the New York Times he does not need international law. 

This resurgent US neo-imperialism runs in parallel to Russia’s ongoing imperialist war against Ukraine. The Russian administration has shown no indication thus far of a genuine willingness to engage in peace talks to find a negotiated settlement for this protracted conflict.

Meanwhile, the Zionist colonial occupation of Palestine has intensified.

The October 2025 ceasefire has become a proxy to advance Israel’s genocide and ethnic cleansing in Gaza by other means.

The unimaginable suffering of the Palestinian people in both Gaza and the West Bank is unrelenting.

Neo-imperialism and colonialism are ascendant. The chaos and hypocrisy currently defining geo-strategic relations is a modern version of jungle law.

Most global powers are unwilling to challenge America’s hegemonic rampage, by contrast with their approach towards Russia’s aggression in Ukraine. 

They choose to be either actively complicit or passively compliant.

However, in the process, the attention of world media has been deflected from the plight of the Palestinians.

US foreign policy has become subordinate to the acquisition of oil, minerals, metals, rare soils, and other natural resources. 

The geo-political world order which emerged after WW2 has been irreparably undermined. There is a need for a fundamental reset.

The principles required to bring that about are self-evident. There is no alternative to the UN Charter – international law must be paramount.

Rejection of the right to self-determination and national sovereignty sits at the heart of the crisis in global affairs.

The universal principle for people to determine their own future must be enabled under international law and through diplomacy and negotiation.

Today there are an estimated 30 million ethnic and cultural Kurdish people and a further 10 million within their global diaspora.

In the modern world, the Kurds are the largest stateless nation.

The denial of Kurdish national rights is an historic consequence of European imperialism and colonialism.

Despite a post-WW1 agreement to establish an autonomous Kurdistan, this commitment was dropped by the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne.

As a result, the mountainous regions of Kurdistan were partitioned between modern Türkiye, Syria, Iraq and Iran.

Since then Kurds have repeatedly tried to secure the recognition of their identity, their status and to establish their own state. Political conflict and repression has characterised the experience of the Kurdish people throughout the 20^th century.

The current attacks upon and mass displacement of the Kurds in Aleppo and Raqqa in North East Syria is a direct outworking of British and American imperialism and continued influence of ISIS in that region. A humanitarian emergency is now unfolding in the Rojava Territory which is being largely ignored by the international media and world leaders. In a throwback to the battles between Kurdish forces and ISIS, the city of Kobane is again under siege at this time.

In 1984, the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) launched an armed struggle against the state of Türkiye. During that campaign, an estimated 60 thousand people including civilians, military personnel and Kurdish fighters have been killed. At present, approximately six thousand Kurdish political prisoners are detained in Turkish prisons. 

Throughout the last 45 years, there have been periods of ceasefire talks, moments of opportunity, and more setbacks.

Whilst many Kurds have served lengthy prison sentences, often over 30 years, and serial periods of detention, including the most well-known and iconic Kurdish political prisoner, Abdullah Öcalan, founder of the PKK. 

From his place of detention on Imrali Island prison, he has continued to provide an important leadership influence for the Kurdish freedom movement. At the same time, representatives of the Turkish state have kept direct lines of communication open with Öcalan – which reflects his enormous political significance for the Kurdish people.

Following meetings between the Kurdish Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party) in January/February 2025, and various Iraqi Kurdish leaders to discuss a new peace effort between the Kurdish freedom movement and government of Türkiye, a statement was issued by Öcalan on 27 February. It was a groundbreaking intervention and led directly to the PKK declaring a unilateral ceasefire on 1 March. 

All of this led to the PKK officially announcing its dissolution and an end to the four-decades-long armed struggle.

Within weeks, Öcalan issued another public statement urging a paradigm shift in engagement between representatives of Türkiye and the Kurdish people.

However, since then, while some political and security/intelligence representatives engaged privately, no progress has been made in developing a negotiation process regarding Kurdish national and democratic rights.

There has been a worrying lack of momentum.

Those within the Turkish system opposed to negotiations have used the cover of global instability to avoid real engagement.

By refusing to do so, and ignoring the need to create democratic conditions within which a serious peace process can be encouraged, they risk squandering the historic and unique opportunity which exists.

Notwithstanding these impediments the Kurdish freedom movement remains committed to dialogue with Türkiye.

Last December, the DEM Party held a significant ‘Peace and Democratic Society’ conference, which reflected upon the South African, Irish, Basque, and Catalan struggles for national democracy and independence.

It heard how peace was forged in South Africa through strategic empathy, calculated risk, and management of pain: that justice and peace are independent: and, how the durability of South Africa’s peace, grew not only from formal negotiations, but also the active role of civic society, faith based organisations and local communities.

The Basque Country is also a stateless nation, which was divided in the 16^th Century.

After a 50-years-long armed struggle the Abertzale Left took decisive initiatives from 2009 onwards to develop a totally peaceful political strategy.

This new direction succeeded despite the attempts of reactionary elements within the Spanish state to undermine the initiatives undertaken by the leadership of the Basque independence movement. As a result of increased popular support for independence EH Bildu has become the largest political force in the Basque Country.

It was pointed out that both setbacks and shortcomings within the Basque struggle have a relevance for the Kurdish independence movement.

The constitutional crisis in Catalonia which culminated in the 2017 independence referendum, held by the pro-independence coalition government, provides the context for both the current challenges and opportunities to achieve Catalan self-determination.

The election of the PSOE Spanish government led by Pedro Sanchez was a pivotal moment which led to negotiations in 2020.

Whilst political prisoners have been released and other progressive agreements achieved, the root of the political conflict – the denial of Catalan national self-determination – remains unresolved.

The Catalan road to independence has not been straightforward. Strong leadership is an essential condition for progress combined with clear, strategic vision and the inclusion of all political opinions within the independence movement.

Even though a peace settlement was secured in Ireland in 1998 with the historic Good Friday Agreement, a political settlement has not been reached.

After 27 years the Agreement has still not been fully implemented. Throughout there has been ongoing political instability in the north of Ireland reflecting the reality that it is a contested state. 

There has been a total of seven other successive governments since then arising from nine further phases of negotiations or talks.

It was explained that Sinn Féin see negotiations as a permanent site of struggle from which to advance democratic change.

One key lesson learned by the Sinn Féin leadership is that the most important negotiation is always with its own political base.

Sinn Féin has become the largest party in Ireland and popular support for Irish reunification is unprecedented.

However, no two political struggles or peace processes are ever the same. Differences will always apply, but key experiences, strategies and tactics can be transferable.

The following lessons from an Irish perspective were shared.

• Negotiations processes must be fully inclusive
• All issues must be placed on the talks table for discussion
• All sides must participate in good faith. Confidence among protagonists is essential in order to build trust
• Every decision and agreement must be honoured and implemented
• A coherent and properly managed overall strategy should govern the use of tactical flexibility, political initiatives, and when it is appropriate to make compromises
• Clearly defined objectives are essential
• Unity and cohesion within the national movement is paramount
• Civic society and grassroots participation must be politically mobilised, and involved in any process for democratic change
• Political momentum is necessary to prevent inertia and stasis
• The forces of opposition to change are never monolithic
• Those who seek the maximum progressive change must be prepared to take the greatest risk to advance their objectives

Failure to constructively engage with the opportunity created for a permanent peace and democratic framework by the government of Türkiye risks damaging the existing positive potential.

Despite a commitment from the Kurdish political leadership to jointly move forward with the Turkish side, its government has still to authorise a coherent, agreed negotiation strategy. This lack of political will creates a significant difficulty.

The tentative process which has opened up is fragile. Momentum is needed.

It is also vulnerable to the present instability and conflict in Rojava and North East Syria.

Already the Kurdish freedom movement has taken courageous steps forward in the interests of peace and democracy.

The government of Türkiye should reciprocate with confidence building measures to demonstrate its willingness to make political progress.

Positive, private indications from individual sections of the Turkish state system are welcome but insufficient.

Türkiye is already playing a constructive role in relation to the cause of the Palestinian people. There are compelling geo-strategic reasons for it to secure a political settlement with the Kurds, including future relations with Europe, and as a leader for diplomacy in the Islamic and Arab world.

The release of Abdullah Öcalan would help transform the current political situation and establish a solid foundation for negotiations to begin. 

At this time of turbulence the Middle East region and our global community needs peace, stability and security, and unambiguous affirmation of the UN Charter. A resolution to the Kurdish question is not only possible, it is essential. It would prove that national democratic rights do matter.

The government of Türkiye should embrace this moment in the knowledge that the Kurdish freedom movement will be a committed partner for bringing about peace and democracy. Sinn Féin remains available to share our experience and perspective with both the Turkish and Kurdish sides to help achieve that outcome.